Parliament. Macmillan appears to have exploited, but not actually cultivated, a public perception that the American cancellation of Skybolt in 1962 left the UK without a long term deterrent capability, and that the USA was therefore somehow responsible for provision of a substitute; Polaris. The Royal Navy had actually been working on the strategic case for a submarine-based strategic nuclear deterrent since at least 1958, and had a fully developed business case in hand the moment the Skybolt decision was known. Having had a 1960 Conference vote in favour of adoption of a policy of unilateral nuclear disarmament reversed in 1961, Xxxxxx’x Labour government was elected in 1964 on a manifesto commitment of renegotiation of the Polaris Sales Agreement. Within months, Xxxxxx’x Cabinet agreed on the construction of four Resolution class submarines and the purchase of Polaris missiles as agreed by Macmillan and Xxxxxxx, although the force was presented publicly as part of an Anglo-American ‘Atlantic Nuclear Force’, a concept that was dropped almost immediately afterwards. The first of the class was to be HMS Revenge, and the submarines would thenceforth have been the ‘Revenge Class’ but this was thought (by the First Lord of the Admiralty) to be too malevolent and the first of class was commissioned HMS Resolution and the 4th ‘Resolution Class’ submarine was commissioned HMS Revenge.15 The period 1964-1979 is particularly interesting for the student of nuclear policy because it includes two Labour governments which abrogated manifesto commitments to reduce or cancel nuclear deterrence commitments; Xxxxxx’x government had commissioned Polaris and introduced it into Service, and in the 1970’s, under extreme secrecy, introduced and sustained an update programme for Polaris; Super Antelope (later Chevaline). Xxxxxxxxx’x government, faced with the impending obsolescence of Polaris in the early 1980s, chose to continue the Chevaline programme and to commission studies into a Polaris replacement, despite having ‘renounced any intention of moving towards the production of a new generation of nuclear weapons or a successor to the Polaris nuclear force.’16 Both governments used very carefully worded public and parliamentary statements to convey one meaning which could be interpreted within their manifesto 15 XXXXXXXX, P. & XXXXX, J. 2015. The Silent Deep: The Royal Navy Submarine Service since 1945. UK: Penguin Random House. P237 16 LABOUR PARTY. 1979. The Labour Way is the Better Wa...
Parliament. On the other hand, it is not envisaged that members designated by the Parliament should participate in the AB because this would cast doubt on the Parliament’s ability to perform external controls objectively, particular in its capacity as the discharge authority. Participation of interested parties In order to guarantee a high level of transparency, the interested parties may be authorised to participate as members, but without the right to vote, in deliberations of the AB.
Parliament. This chapter provides an account of United Kingdom parliamentary debate in respect of law reform to permit assisted death between 1936 and 2009. I omit more recent debates for reasons of space, and to allow for timely completion of the thesis. 3 This does not substantially affect my later conclusions, since first, we are, as of autumn 2015, no closer to the legalisation assisted death on Parliament’s own initiative, and second, recent debates neither include new arguments, nor a shift in the relative weight attached to certain arguments over others.4 1 In order to gain a sense of the debate over time, I label the various arguments, eg I call the argument that individuals would be xxxxxx influenced to request assisted death the abuse argument.
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