The Media. In respect of any violation of the club's media policy, including the giving of an interview without approval, leaks of information, insulting remarks concerning the club's sponsors and/or anyone on the club's behalf, maintaining contact with journalists contrary to the club's instructions, insulting and/or racist remarks and/or remarks that encourage violence on the media and/or in a manner which is recorded on the media in any manner (but excluding the players' representative committee) - up to 20% of the monthly salary and not more than NIS 8,000 in the first men's league, NIS 2,000 in the second men's league and NIS 400 in the first women's league.
The Media. The media is a useful canal for campaigns communicating information on HIV/AIDS and HIV/AIDS-related stigma. From an international perspective, Garcia Gonzalez (2000) highlights how HIV/AIDS-related campaigns can be fear-arousing and based on cognitive rationale messages that tend to produce anxiety and confusion, rather than changing behavior or social norms. In many African countries the media has succeeded in associating HIV/AIDS with sexual promiscuity, death and minority groups like sex workers and homosexuals (Hutchinson, Mahlalela and Yukich, 2007). The media does not always have the necessary knowledge and background information when reporting on situations regarding HIV/AIDS and PLWHA. This can lead to inappropriate and negative journalism, which can include improper comments, the use of negative terminology and,sensationalism. The use of terms like ―innocent AIDS victims‖ implies that there are guilty ones responsible for their condition. The media has also violated confidentiality when reporting on PLWHA (UNAIDS, 2002- 2003).
The Media. In Bolivia, 93% of the mass media is private, its shareholders largely linked to the political and economic sectors (landowners, bankers and legislators), therefore the social function of the media is weakened by the search for discursive hegemonies in favour of economic interests and power.
The Media which can report on the election process and highlight progress or abuses.Groups to encourage participation and educate voters, including civic education organizations to educate voters and conduct get-out-the-vote campaigns, journalists to provide information to citizens about the election as well as candidates and parties, and social networks, such as parent teacher associations and women’s groups, that have an interest in their members participating in the election. Some groups will also require outside support to conduct their activities.Groups that oppose elections and who could resist or try to spoil the election must be identified, understood, and their potential actions addressed in the overall election strategy. These can include armed combatants, militia tied to a political party or faction, organized crime groups, incumbent political leaders and political or economic elites who stand to lose power elections, host-nation émigrés, and neighboring countries or populations in neighboring countries that benefited from the conflict. III-9
The Media. The Palestinian Media situation is very unique with a beginning in the 18th century under Ottoman empire and censorship, but flourished as the Arab nationalism emerged and the censorship was liberal- ised17. The Palestinian media comprises print and audio-visual outlets and an official news agency WAFA. The press includes three daily newspapers and many weekly and bi-weekly supplements considered independent publications, being distributed primarily with the Al-Ayyam newspaper.The three newspapers also have internet versions. No less than 30 independent TV stations and a slightly higher number of private radios complement the Government broadcaster PBC/PSC and Voice of Palestine.
The Media. Media influences on party policy change has received relatively little academic attention (Green-Pedersen and Stubager 2010). Theoretically, the role of the media in policy change is divided between the dichotomous positions of conduit or contributor (Shanahan et al 2008). The media acts as a conduit role when it amplifies the positions of others within a policy debate, for example between two factions within a party. From this theoretical perspective, the media facilitates the positions of ‘policy entrepreneurs’ that want to direct the policy process in a certain direction within a political party (Baumgartner and Jones 1993). A contributor role arises when the media provides its own positions, ideas, or narratives to a policy debate (Shanahan et al 2008). Kingdon (1984:59) advocates the conduit position, arguing that the ‘media report what is going on in government… rather than having an independent effect on government agendas’. The most sensible theoretical position is likely to be that of Sabatier and Jenkins (1993) who suggest that the media can be both a conduit and contributor to the policy process, depending on the political context or policy area under analysis. In other words, the influence of the media on policy change is conditional on facilitating circumstances being present (Green-Pedersen and Stubager 2010).The question is also less about whether the media are a powerful influence or not, but in which circumstances it is a weaker or stronger influence (Newton 2006: 274-5). For example, Brandenburg (2002) concluded that the media did not influence the Conservative or Labour parties’ agendas during the 1997 election. This could be conditioned by the fact that the period being studied was during an election, when political parties are focused on promoting their own policy positions to the media themselves. Green-Pedersen and Stubager (2010) examined the influence of the media on the Danish opposition party’s policy agendasbetween 1984 and 2003, measured using radio news data and questions to government ministers. The results concluded that the media did have an influence on the policy agendas of opposition parties in all areas except for foreign affairs (2010:675-6). Political parties were also only likely to react to media attention if the policy area was one in which they ‘owned’ and therefore wished to emphasise to the electorate. As Green-Pedersen and Stubager (2010:675) state ‘…mass media attention is thus likely to generate significant p...
The Media. In June 2008, the OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media expressed concern about cases of intimidation and harassment of non-governmental journalists. He called for the immediate freeing of all imprisoned for expressing critical views and the return of foreign media outlets to Uzbekistan as important first steps toward compliance with OSCE commitments. He also urged the authorities to liberalize media regulations and to allow for pluralism and political debate in the press. He called for privatization in the print media, the creation of a public-service broadcaster, easy registration and licensing of media outlets, and decriminalization of libel.8 Notwithstanding the large number of media outlets registered in Uzbekistan, there is a general lack of genuine pluralism of information and opinion. Private media are not considered truly independent and face difficulties operating due to stringent accreditation requirements. International news bureaus such as BBC, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, Deutsche Welle have been forced to cease operations in Uzbekistan following the authorities’ refusal to accredit them. International human rights and media monitoring organizations have also confirmed that independent media remains tightly controlled.9 The state National Television and Radio Company (NTRC) remains the main provider of TV and radio broadcasts, thus constituting the most important source of information regarding the election campaign. According to article 27 of the parliamentary elections law, candidates for parliament are to enjoy equal rights in accessing the media. The law does not distinguish between state and private media. In practice, candidates’ access to equal airtime is mainly provided by NTRC. Its coverage of the election campaign is regulated by an agreement with the CEC. This agreement covers a) newscasts, b) free airtime for candidates, c) campaign advertisements, and d) election debates between candidates. Although the Ecological Movement is not intending to field candidates in these elections, the NTRC stated to the OSCE/ODIHR NAM that it may inform the electorate about the movement, on the basis of the CEC agreement.
The Media. The bacterial species grow on nutrient agar, consist of 3 g/lThe tested organisms were Gram-negative bacteria (Escherichia coli, NCTC10416), and (Pseudomonas aeruginosa, NCIB-9016), and Gram-positive bacteria (Bacillus subtilis, NCIB3610, Staphylococcus aureus, NCTC7447). The fungi (Aspergillus niger, Ferm-BAMC-21) and unicellular fungi as (Candida albicans). The bacteria and fungi were maintained on nutrient agar medium. After 24 h of incubation at 30 °C for bacteria and 48 h of incubation at 28 °C for fungi, the diameter of the inhibition zone in mm was measured. 4.4. SRB (sulphate reducing bacteria) Desulfomonas pigra The tube dilution technique was used for SRB