Analytical Framework. On both the Jewish and Muslim blogs, there are frequent allusions to the media trope of religious women being ‘oppressed’, showing the bloggers to be in dialogue with their (mis)representation in mainstream media and, by extension, secular society. However, far from all blogging about religious dress need be interpreted as an activist reaction to mainstream narratives of women’s subjugation by male-dominated religious structures, or the occasional apologist narrative that also surfaces. Adopting Mol’s (2002) work as a consciously loose framework allows me to offer more nuance to my analysis of the primary sources than that afforded by a ▇▇▇▇▇ classification into narratives and counter-narratives. Over-emphasising the counter-narrative element of such blogging risks diminishing the diversity of opinions, practices and ongoing flux of the religious dress practices on the blogs, and risks over-dependence on a Foucauldian model of the shaping of individuals by powerful structures. Beyond suggestions by scholars such as ▇▇▇-▇▇▇▇▇▇ (1999), that women subvert traditional, male dominated religious power structures, the deliberate use of religious dress as a marker of a minority religious identity in the West can be understood not as a subversion of the minority religion, such as Islam, but of the cultural values of mainstream culture. Much as ▇▇▇▇▇▇ ▇▇▇▇▇▇’▇ work gives language a primacy in her formation of the individual, and such an individual is both fluid and dependent on the interaction with others, ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ ▇▇▇’▇ The Body Multiple shows that such primacy of language is a useful tool for analysing how women enact their online identities through blogging about embodied religious practice, giving the written word continued importance online, even in the era of the ‘selfie’. The repetition ties in to how there are often more than one post about clothing practices on the blogs I study, which in turn is a key component of ▇▇▇▇▇▇ ▇▇▇▇▇▇’▇ concept of performativity, which she uses to explain the way in which gender is constructed, arguing that it is, ‘in no way a stable identity or locus of agency from which various acts proceed; rather, it is an identity tenuously constituted in time—an identity, instituted through a stylised repetition of acts.’(▇▇▇▇▇▇, 1997 in ▇▇▇▇▇▇ and ▇▇▇, eds. 2013:462). While keeping the concept of enactment at the forefront of my analysis, I also draw on ▇▇▇▇▇ ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇’▇ concept of ‘lived religion’ (2014) to argue that much of the writing about religious dress on the blogs I study is not only part of a ‘form of religious interpretation that fosters women’s voices and perspectives’ (▇▇▇▇▇, 2013:44). While ▇▇▇▇▇’▇ interpretation strikes me as accurate, blogging about religious dress is also a ‘material, embodied aspect[s] of religion as [they] occur in everyday life’ (▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ 2014:190). The contemporary importance of women’s religious dress, as demonstrated online, can also be understood in relation to the feminisation of religion and the sanctification of everyday life. I agree with ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ that both the importance of and messiness inherent in lived religion is unlikely to be a new phenomenon. The internet does not only allows a lower barrier to entry (than, for example, newspapers did) to document such experiences and concerns or for researchers seeking to access a wider range of such writing. I also suggest that the internet allows for new ways in which lived, messy religion can be enacted – without ceasing to be orthodox. The creativity enacted in religious dress, both in its physical representation and in the written online expressions, allows for a conception of female religious agency akin to ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ ▇▇▇▇▇’▇ concept of ‘creative conformity’ (▇▇▇▇▇ 2010). Beyond arguing that wearing religious dress is a part of lived religion, and that the online space is an area where women-led negotiations of religious interpretations can flourish, I therefore suggest that we can regard blogging about religious dress as a way in which differently modern religious identities are enacted.
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