Analytical Framework Sample Clauses
The Analytical Framework clause establishes the methodology or set of criteria that will be used to assess, interpret, or evaluate specific matters within the agreement. Typically, this clause outlines the standards, benchmarks, or processes that parties must follow when analyzing data, performance, or compliance, such as referencing industry standards or agreed-upon metrics. Its core practical function is to ensure consistency and objectivity in evaluations, thereby reducing ambiguity and potential disputes over how analyses are conducted or interpreted.
Analytical Framework. The SSA report documents the results of our comprehensive biological review of the best scientific and commercial data regarding the status of the species, including an assessment of the potential threats to the species. The SSA report does not represent a decision by the Service on whether the species should be listed as an endangered or threatened species under the Act. However, it does provide the scientific basis that informs our regulatory decisions, which involve the further application of standards within the Act and its implementing regulations and policies. The following is a summary of the key results and conclusions from the SSA report; the full SSA report can be found at Docket No. FWS–R6–ES–2018–0055 on http:// To assess ▇▇▇▇▇▇ Mesa milkvetch’s viability, we used the three conservation biology principles of resiliency, redundancy, and representation (▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ and ▇▇▇▇▇ 2000, pp. 306–310). Briefly, resiliency supports the ability of the species to withstand environmental and demographic stochasticity (for example, wet or dry, warm or cold years), redundancy supports the ability of the species to withstand catastrophic events (for example, droughts, large pollution events), and representation supports the ability of the species to adapt over time to long-term changes in the environment (for example, climate changes). In general, the more resilient and redundant a species is and the more representation it has, the more likely it is to sustain populations over time, even under changing environmental conditions. Using these principles, we identified the species’ ecological requirements for survival and reproduction at the individual, population, and species levels, and described the beneficial and risk factors influencing the species’ viability. The SSA process can be categorized into three sequential stages. During the first stage, we evaluated the species’ life-history needs at the individual, population, and species level. The next stage involved an assessment of the historical and current condition of the species’ demographics and habitat characteristics, including an explanation of how the species arrived at its current condition. The final stage of the SSA involved making predictions about the species’ responses to positive and negative environmental and anthropogenic influences. Throughout all of these stages, we used the best available information to characterize viability as the ability of a species to sustain populations in the wild over t...
Analytical Framework. This study is not the first to acknowledge the importance of domestic institutional factors for policy change on the basis of internationally gained knowledge (Checkel, 1999; ▇▇▇▇▇-▇▇▇▇▇▇, 1995). Other studies (▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ & ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇-▇▇▇▇▇, 1993; ▇▇▇▇ et al., 2003), however, mainly provide lists of up to eight or 10 relatively inarticulate domestic institutional factors without specifying how these factors interact. For the purpose of this study, a more systematic categorization of dom- estic institutional factors is required. This section deals with the literature on two aspects of national institutional factors that characterize power relations within policy networks and, thus, underlie processes that may or may not lead to policy change: (1) institutionalization of knowledge use in policy-making and
Analytical Framework. On both the Jewish and Muslim blogs, there are frequent allusions to the media trope of religious women being ‘oppressed’, showing the bloggers to be in dialogue with their (mis)representation in mainstream media and, by extension, secular society. However, far from all blogging about religious dress need be interpreted as an activist reaction to mainstream narratives of women’s subjugation by male-dominated religious structures, or the occasional apologist narrative that also surfaces. Adopting Mol’s (2002) work as a consciously loose framework allows me to offer more nuance to my analysis of the primary sources than that afforded by a ▇▇▇▇▇ classification into narratives and counter-narratives. Over-emphasising the counter-narrative element of such blogging risks diminishing the diversity of opinions, practices and ongoing flux of the religious dress practices on the blogs, and risks over-dependence on a Foucauldian model of the shaping of individuals by powerful structures. Beyond suggestions by scholars such as ▇▇▇-▇▇▇▇▇▇ (1999), that women subvert traditional, male dominated religious power structures, the deliberate use of religious dress as a marker of a minority religious identity in the West can be understood not as a subversion of the minority religion, such as Islam, but of the cultural values of mainstream culture. Much as ▇▇▇▇▇▇ ▇▇▇▇▇▇’▇ work gives language a primacy in her formation of the individual, and such an individual is both fluid and dependent on the interaction with others, ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ ▇▇▇’▇ The Body Multiple shows that such primacy of language is a useful tool for analysing how women enact their online identities through blogging about embodied religious practice, giving the written word continued importance online, even in the era of the ‘selfie’. The repetition ties in to how there are often more than one post about clothing practices on the blogs I study, which in turn is a key component of ▇▇▇▇▇▇ ▇▇▇▇▇▇’▇ concept of performativity, which she uses to explain the way in which gender is constructed, arguing that it is, ‘in no way a stable identity or locus of agency from which various acts proceed; rather, it is an identity tenuously constituted in time—an identity, instituted through a stylised repetition of acts.’(▇▇▇▇▇▇, 1997 in ▇▇▇▇▇▇ and ▇▇▇, eds. 2013:462). While keeping the concept of enactment at the forefront of my analysis, I also draw on ▇▇▇▇▇ ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇’▇ concept of ‘lived religion’ (2014) to argue that much of the writing ...
Analytical Framework. This study investigates agreements in Japanese conversation using the framework of Conversation Analysis (CA). Differences between repetitional agreements and anaphorical agreements cannot be identified by reference to grammatical or semantic rules, for most of the occurrences of one of the forms could be replaced by another without violating such rules. Nonetheless, speakers constantly make choices as to which form to use in a particular sequential environment. The CA framework relies on detailed examination of the action accomplished by a turn by reference to its position in the sequence organization as well as its composition (Schegloff 2007:20), asking the question “why that now” (Schegloff and Sacks 1973:299). This approach allows us to investigate underlying motivation for the choices made in formulating an agreement, as well as the consequences of the choices with regard to the subsequent interaction, which would otherwise be treated as interchangeable or equivalent.
Analytical Framework. As a framework for analysis we were inspired by two theoretical constructs: an existential phenomenological perspective on hope and the sociological concept of medicalisation. French philosopher ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ ▇▇▇▇▇▇’▇ theory of hope distinguishes two kinds of hope: ‘to hope that’ and ‘to hope’ (▇▇▇▇▇▇, 1951). ‘To hope that’ refers to a concrete future directed hope which might be seen as aligning with a clinical goal such as the hope of a cure. In this analysis ‘hope that’ is associated with what we shall refer to as medical palliative care. In contrast ‘to hope’ is to adopt an ontological stance that