Democracy. The Third Sector has a long history of supporting the engagement of local people in local issues and solutions, Third Sector groups are grounded in the ‘5 Ways of Working’. Involving the Sector at an early stage in policy development and service design, adopting a co productive approach leads to better outcomes for citizens where community based groups are well placed to provide insight into the unique challenges faced by community members they meet.
Democracy. Participatory democracy has numerous constitutional techniques and guarantees.59 Under the terms of the Constitution, Art. 2(2) – “all power is vested in the people who exercise their sovereignty through elected representatives and directly.” The two constitutional 54 Generally on how the HCC approached its role, X. Xxxxx, “Aktivizmus és passzivizmus az Alkotmánybíróság gyakorlatában,” in X. Xxxxxxx (ed.), Tíz eves az alkotmánybíróság, Alkotmánybíróság, Budapest (2000), at 167ff.
Democracy. 1. Participatory democracy shall be realised through congresses and national convention or conference.
Democracy. 1. The Parties shall promote and strengthen the universal values and principles of democracy. They shall protect the separation of powers, promote political pluralism and strengthen transparency, participation and confidence in democratic processes as well as trust between political leaders and the people, including by supporting the ratification and implementation of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance.
Democracy. As above, political society’s key comparator, for Xxxxx, is the state of nature. Political society requires, on his view, the legitimate establishment of political power, not least to be able to enforce justice. This legitimacy is dependent on its members having ‘quitted this natural power [of preserving property and punishing offences, and having] resigned it up into the hands of the community’, such that the community ‘comes to be umpire’.128 Xxxxx states that being a member of such a society, on Xxxxx’x approach, amounts to ‘transforming oneself into a constituent element of a political body’.129 And it seems clear that Xxxxx’x approach is democratic in nature. To this end, Xxxxx describes how, in legitimate political society, political representatives (i.e., ‘men having authority from the community’) are charged with ‘decid[ing] all the differences that may happen between any members of that society concerning any matter of right’.130 A key distinction between political society and the state of nature, therefore, is the parsing and discharge of the law of nature on particular matters of justice. As Xxxxxxx states, ‘in the absence of institutions, Xxxxx maintains that natural law is enforceable by any individual’. 131 Again, this does not mean that individuals in political society have ceded their moral obligations to discern and follow prerequisite moral standards for themselves. Rather, members of Lockean political society, as a matter of precondition, are morally committed to behaving towards each other in accordance with the moral standards of the law of nature — as well as contributing to the determination of legitimate positive law, by partaking in a representative model of political participation: 128 Xxxxx, Second Treatise, 46 (§87). 129 Xxxxx, Discourse on Property, 158-9. 130 Xxxxx, 46-47 (§87). 131 Xxxxxxx, “What is Natural Law Like?” 79. [th]us every man, by consenting with others to make one body politic under one government, puts himself under an obligation to every one of that society, to submit to the determination of the majority, and to be concluded by it[.]132 I shall return to this reference to ‘the majority’ in Chapter 6. But what is key for current purposes, here, is that in Lockean political society, the mechanisms of political institutions enable legitimate societal decision-making and the formal enaction of those decisions, amidst a political culture that protects and maintains members’ equally-held political and societal rights...
Democracy. Democracies score high on all three measures of what makes a state more absolute, or at least, according to Spinoza, they have the greatest possibility of scoring high on all three. In a democracy it is possible that a. the power of each individual is maximized; b. that the power of the rulers is maximized; and c. that the rulers and multitude are in agreement such that their power can be summed. Since they are maximally inclusive, democracies open up the possibility of satisfying a, and maximizing the power of each individual through allowing them to freely explore and understand the world and themselves. The freest state, democracy, has the best chance for having the strongest or most powerful multitude. Democracies, by leaving open the path to self- understanding provide the greatest chance for the improvement of each individually. Not needing to fear the multitude, democracies have the potential for being the most absolute state. 348 Since the opportunity of participating in the governing of the commonwealth is open to all citizens, 349 the government is seen as more closely identified with the multitude. Each individual can hope to gain something from the government, and to participate in it. This hope350 leads individuals to identify their best interests with the best interests of the government. This identification and orientation of their goals and interests with that of the state allows for c, for the 348 TTP, Chapter 16. 349 For Spinoza, the important aspect here is that the positions are not based on some factor like birth or rank, so that anyone, in principle, could take part in the governing of the state. 350 TP 5.6; TTP, Chapter 17. individual to ‘agree’ with those who similarly orient their affects toward the survival of the state. Such individuals can be said to ‘love the same thing’, and as we know from the discussion of the affects in Chapter Two, when individuals love something they try to destroy that which minimizes its power and support that which empowers that loved thing.351 So, individuals in such a state use their power to support that which they love, state, and they do so in concert with all the other state-loving individuals around them. Thus, their actions, as a multitude, agree; they support the same thing. Since the power of the rulers is equivalent to the power of the multitude, since the multitude in fact is responsible for governing the commonwealth, the extent to which the individuals’ powers can be maximized is the exte...
Democracy. This module is designed to capture the population's point of view about the functioning of democracy, about the acceptance of this political regime to the context of the country, as well as the values that are considered to be essential. The final objective is to study the connections between formal democracy, its effective functioning, the system of societal values and the living conditions of the society. Importance of democracy as form of government Perceived adequacy of different forms of government Evaluation of the functioning of the democracy Respect for the liberty of expression, equal rights, free and transparent elections etc. Evaluation of democracy in the country since 1990 Evaluation of the situation of human rights in the country Agreement with the process of decentralization Significance of decentralization in the country Evaluation of politicians Political orientation of the household Conversation with family members about politics in the country Type of obstacles to the development of the country Participation in the previous elections Reasons for not participating in the previous elections
Democracy. There is no viable Republic without democracy, nor is there democracy without balance of power, pluralism of opinion, freedom of using it and a right to act in order to assert these values. * Freedom of association, freedom of thought, freedom of expression, freedom of assembly, and freedom of the press which are integral parts of the important democratic balances will be readjusted by legal stipulations and will make multi-party system more satisfactory. * Each power in the Republic must be strictly surrounded, in the exercise of its functions, by republican democratic institutions. These institutions must in their turn reflect the state of a national consensus freely and democratically elaborated by a just representation and carried out by administrations, within which the different national communities are represented in an equal way. CLAUSE 4: SOUND MANAGEMENT OF THE SOCIETY. A National Audit Bureau will immediately be initiated and will start its investigations in order to put an end to the opacity of the management of the public purse. CLAUSE 5: CIVIL PEACE AND SECURITY. Peace and justice are just as inseparable as breath and life. Achieving civil peace is providing justice and first of all the compensation of harm suffered. * It is also a question of initiating reforms of the laws and regulations guaranteeing conditions for the national cohesion and a sound management of the national common patrimony. * The militaries whose special mission it is to guarantee the security of the national territory against all external threat will reintegrate their positions they occupied before the civil conflict. Their presence will not constitute any hindrance nor difficulty for the circulation of goods and persons. In order to make this circulation safe both parties engage to start clearance of mines of the land and roads they had mined. * The two parties engage to suspend hostilities. * Civil and military prisoners of the two parties, detained on both sides will immediately be set free. * Furthermore the members of FRUD, officials, civil servants, militants, civilians or combatants who occupied a professional post before the conflict will be reintegrated in their administrations, establishments, services or companies. The other members of FRUD will be reintegrated in adequate civil or military functions. The forms of their effective disarmament will be settled at that moment. Those who were victims of material harm will be compensated. All accusation or pursuit o...
Democracy. Results for democracy are mixed. The random effects and product fixed effects models suggest that democracy is positively correlated with binding overhang, in contradiction of the flexibility hypothesis. However, once country‐specific factors are controlled for, democratic countries are more likely to see binding overhang in agriculture, though less likely to have it for non‐agricultural goods. Japanese FDI: Japanese FDI had no impact on agricultural goods in any of the models. For non‐ agricultural products, however, Japanese FDI it is positively correlated with binding overhang, as the regional production networks hypothesis predicts. However, we do not observe a large difference between the region and the rest of the world, nor between Chapter 85 products and non‐agricultural goods in general.
Democracy. The openness of political institutions is likely to increase a state’s desire for flexibility, for at least two reasons. First, democratic countries are more likely to see a shift in preferences as parties and constituents change over time. Second, the impact of shocks on a country’s preferences is likely to be moderated by domestic politics (Xxxxxx 1997). Governments must bargain over trade policy with interest groups, legislatures, and other domestic actors. This idea enjoys support in the literature and was vividly emphasized in the interviews with trade officials. Democracy allows such groups to thrive and gives them constitutional tools to check executive authority. Thus we would expect the impact of the above shocks on binding overhang to be greater in democracies, because the preferences they affect have a higher probability of being given greater political weight. Regional production networks It may be the case that the pattern of binding overhang in the region is not orchestrated by states seeking flexibility, but is rather the cumulative result of domestic and transnational interactions between governments and interest groups. Many developing countries in East Asia offer incentives to potential investors, including special economic zones, tax incentives, and, importantly for the purposes of this paper, reductions on tariffs of key imports (Kimura 2006). The regional component trade may be a particularly strong driver of such interactions.