DEM Sample Clauses
DEM. M-2:M good M-great He told him: O my son... that is a great good. 2 yə-ṃṃ-as i talt-ənnəs: wo-m ge-yə-nfu-yanax 3M-say-3SG.DAT to woman-3SG.GEN: DEM.M-2:F IRR-3M-benefit-1PL.DAT He told his wife: this one will benefit us. 3 yə-ṃṃ-asən: we-rwən aggʷid n ṛəḅḅi 3M-say-3PL.DAT: DEM.M-2:PL man GEN God He told them: this is a man of God. Modifying medial, referent = ▇.▇▇., different addressees: 5 ə́ ntf-ax twərdət ta-tó-m msabb-kí pick-1SG flower MOD-DEM.F-2:F because-2F I picked this flower for your (f.) sake. 6 mmwí-ɣ-asín-a i itadəm-ə́ nnəw: say-1SG-3PL.DAT-PRF to people-1SG.GEN IRR.3M-come in car MOD-DEM.F-2:PL I told my family: he will come in that car. The suffixes used to mark addressee agreement on the medial demonstrative are closely parallel to the 2nd person prepositional object suffixes: ▇▇.▇▇ -ək, ▇▇.▇▇ -əm, 2PL -wən. The most obvious typological comparison for addressee agreement is verbal allocutivity – a phenomenon best known from Basque (ALBERDI 1995), but also attested in several other languages (ANTONOV 2010). Verbal allocutivity is typically restricted to main clauses rather than subordinate clauses. Addressee agreement, however, occurs irrespective of the level of syntactic embedding, as illustrated by multiply layered possessives: 7 ɣ-wé-rwən ṣṣáħəb n jír n aggwid da-wé-rwən PRSV-DEM.M-2:PL friend GEN child GEN man MOD-DEM.M-2:PL Here is that man's child's friend. and multiply embedded subordinate clauses: 8 mmwi-ɣ-asín-a nə-xs-á aʕənʕə́ n ənni ga-nə-ħmə́ ṛ-wət say-1SG-3PL.DAT-PRF 1PL-want-PFV to_sit_down COMP IRR-1PL-look-PL.IMP how IRR-1PL-help-3SG.DAT to man MOD-DEM.M-2:PL I told them that we want to sit down to look at how to help that man. Addressee agreement must be self-consistent; when the following inconsistent sentence was proposed to him, my consultant reacted “As long as you're saying ga- š-ɣ-ak (2M.DAT), you say da-wo-k [MOD-DEM.M-2:M]”: 9 *ga-š-ɣ-ak ssanduq da-wó-m *IRR-give-1SG-2M.DAT box MOD-DEM.M-2:F I will give you that box. As the following sentence illustrates, there is no such inconsistency between a singular addressee and a plural 2nd person pronoun; after all, an object can equally well simultaneously be close to a whole group and to a single member of it:
DEM. M-2:M must people all IRR-3-eat-PL. The same applies, naturally, to recognitional usages: 14 tšə́ ṭṭət, tó-k wən t-ʕə́ ṃṃaṛ tə-ṣṣáy-a əlʕárjun n téni. rachis DEM.F-2:M REL 3F-be.IPFV 3F-hold-PRF cluster GEN date The rachis is that thing that holds the date clusters (in place). (referring to palm trees; no palm tree was visible or previously mentioned) Conversely, items new to the discourse – notably including the topics of questions – are usually marked with the proximal demonstrative: 15 hánta wa i-tə́ ṃṃa-n-as? what? DEM.M 3-say.IPFV-PL-3SG.DAT? What do they call this/that? 16 táya tšə́ ṭṭət. DEM.F rachis 17 hánta wáya wən ənníj g əssmá? what? DEM.M REL up in sky What is that up there in the sky? and considerations of accessibility: 18a hánta wáya wən what? DEM.M REL ẓṛá-tt see-2SG>3M.ACC slə́ ṭṭin? yesterday? What was that (thing) you saw yesterday? b wó-k DEM.M-2:M wən REL ẓṛə́ -x-t see-1SG-3M.ACC slə́ ṭṭin yesterday izə́ m gazelle That (thing) I saw yesterday was a gazelle. The proximal terms have an additional function of expressing contrastive alternatives: “one... the other...” is wa... wa... This overrides spatial functions of the proximal-medial distinction, as in the following scenario: A and B are sitting in a room with four books on the desk, two of them green. A tells B to go get the green book. B goes and puts his hand on one of them, and says: wá? / wáya? [This one?] A replies:
DEM. Rep. of the Congo, El Salvador, Panama (Rep.), Philippines and Venezuela shall be authorized not to return postal parcels after the addressee has requested their clearance by Customs, since this is incompatible with those countries' customs legislation.
DEM. The City shall maintain its individual relationship and obligations through its contract with the Department of Emergency Management (DEM).
DEM. Commencing upon the Effective Date until expiration of the DEM Option Term (and as extended pursuant to Section 5.1.3), or, following Celgene’s exercise of the Option for the DEM Program, for the period of time set forth in Section 5.1 of any then-applicable Development & Commercialization Agreement for the DEM Program, [***] and its Affiliates shall not, except as otherwise expressly permitted in Sections 5.2 and 5.4 of this Agreement: (a) [***], (b) [***], or (c) except as expressly permitted under Section 12.4 of this Agreement or Section 11.4 of any then-applicable Development & Commercialization Agreement, as applicable, [***].
DEM. II ‘Did you light the oil lamp? Put it out, switch on that (electrical) light!’ Summing up, the syntactic, prosodic and interpretative evidence found in Zulu for a strong connection between the constituency and the distribution of the CJ or DJ verb form is not as obvious in Makhuwa. There might still be a connection with constituency, but it will be difficult to prove it directly. The connection between the CJ form and an exclusive interpretation of the elements in the IAV position is a strong one, although there is ambiguity in the marking of DP and VP focus. The interpretational effects and syntactic requirements of the CJ and DJ verb forms are modeled in the next section.