Chapter Two. The War Game; a case study 23 The decision not to show The War Game 26 The historiographical debate about The War Game 27 The question underlying the debate about The War Game 29 Chapter Three: Investigating the factors influencing nuclear deterrence policy 34 Literature Review 34 Social change in Britain 34 The evolution of thinking on strategic bombing – strategy and ethics 36 The ethics of non-combatant immunity 41 The political implications of nuclear strategy 43 Contemporary morality 48 Nuclear culture 50 Chapter Four: What factors affected development of UK strategic bombing policy during the Second World War? 54 Introduction 54 The First World War 55 The inter-war years 61 Inter-service views 62 The Second World War 69 Area bombing? 79 Opposition to the RAF strategic bombing campaign 82 The lessons learned from the strategic bombing campaign 84
Chapter Two. The War Game; a case study This analysis of the fate of ‘The War Game’, a radical film about the effects of nuclear weapons made in 1965 provides a clear illustration of the ambiguity of government engagement with the public on nuclear deterrence policy in the context of the height of the Cold War. It is based on an extended interview with the Director of ‘The War Game’, review of the film and its historical context, analysis of the official record and consideration of a protracted historiographical debate about the fate of the film. In May 1965, a fictional BBC television documentary drama depicting the possible aftermath of a nuclear attack on Britain was completed and the initial draft shown to the Controller of BBC2, Xxx Xxxxxxx. Five months later, the BBC announced it had decided not to air the programme on television because it was an ‘artistic failure.’1 It was subsequently given a limited cinematic release and won the 1966 Venice Film Festival Award for the best documentary, and the best documentary Academy Award (Oscar) in 1967. Eventually, the BBC first screened it on television on 31st July 1985, twenty years after its completion. To this day, its director insists that the film was suppressed because of its political impact.2 From the beginning Wheldon was well aware of the political impact that the film might have and insisted on close supervision of the filming process. As the Head of Documentary programming he had commissioned the film in the first instance. Even before filming started he was in close liaison with Xxxxx Xxxxxxx Xxxxxx (Head of Talks at BBC) who supported the film in principle; ‘I have discussed this several times with HTG, who thinks the film should be made, so long as there is no security risk and the facts are authentic, the people should be trusted with the truth...’3 This is the essential question here; what is it that prevents government trusting people with the truth? In parallel, there was an ongoing dialogue with the Home Office throughout filming, with Wheldon insisting on editorial independence despite;
Chapter Two. Xxxxxxx Xxxxx's
Examples of Chapter Two in a sentence
The Tribunal shall decide whether the treatment that is the subject of the claim is in breach of an obligation under Chapter Two (Investment Protection).
Where a dispute cannot be resolved as provided for under Article 3.2 (Amicable Resolution), a claimant of a Party alleging a breach of the provisions of Chapter Two (Investment Protection) may submit a request for consultations to the other Party.
The Professional shall prepare and deliver, prior to final acceptance of any identified phase of construction, operation and maintenance documentation as outlined in Appendix 1 of this Chapter Two.
Additional Required Services or Modified Required Services, if any, included in Construction Documents Services – 100% Submission are listed in Appendix 1 of this Chapter Two and incorporated herein by reference.
Additional Required Services or Modified Required Services, if any, included in Schematic Services are listed in Appendix 1 of this Chapter Two and incorporated herein by reference.
More Definitions of Chapter Two
Chapter Two. The “uneasy rustle of remembrance” in Xxxxxxxxx Xxxxx’x The Last September1 An art cannot deal with memory without also confronting forgetting. - Xxxxxx Xxxxx and Xxxxxxx Xxxxxxx “The idea of the past” In reading both her fiction and her nonfiction, it becomes clear that, for Xxxxxxxxx Xxxxx, not only places, but also history, loomed large. Her writing explores the nuanced relationship between history and remembrance—what she called “the bend back”—and seeks to illuminate their relationship to and role in the creation of fiction (Xxxxx, The Mulberry Tree 54). For Xxxxx there was something to be gained by writing of the past, particularly in her second novel, The Last September, published in 1929. It is her only novel “set back deliberately in a former time” (124); in fact, Xxxxx was adamant that readers be conscious of the novel’s “pastness” throughout their reading of her work (124). In setting her novel in September 1920, in the midst of the Anglo-Irish War, Xxxxx encourages readers to explore the recent past and the friction between her
Chapter Two. DECONSTRUCTING THE HOMILETICAL FOUNDATIONS If theologies of proclamation are foundational for homiletics, then it is crucial to test the sturdiness of such foundations. We need not demolish existing foundations and thereby prove to ourselves their destructibility. That proves nothing. A better approach is to deconstruct these foundations, to critically examine them. This is the task of this chapter. By applying pressure to those footings that are particularly important for the fidelity of our homiletical superstructure we may gain deeper insight into the challenges and possibilities germane to the preaching task. Deconstruction can be made to serve a theology of proclamation by point to the cracks and fissures plastered over by centuries of philosophical spackle. By this we discern a certain “trembling” (tremblement) always already at work in the foundations of Western thought and preaching. As Xxxxxxx Xxxxxxx writes, “The movements of deconstruction do not destroy structures from the outside. They are not possible and effective, nor can they take accurate aim, except by inhabiting those structures. Inhabiting them in a certain way, because one always inhabits, and all the more when one does not suspect it.”151 In this chapter we therefore “inhabit” the foundational elements of 000 Xxxxxxx Xxxxxxx, Of Grammatology, trans., Xxxxxxx Xxxxxxxxxxx Xxxxxx, Corrected., (Baltimore: The Xxxxx Xxxxxxx University Press, 1997), 24 (abbreviated hereafter as OG). This is not a “radical rupture and discontinuity” that some criticize. See Xxxxxxx Xxxxxxx, After the Great Divide: Modernism, Mass Culture, Postmodernism (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1986), 207. In his essay, “The Ends of Man,” in Margins of Philosophy, trans., Xxxx Xxxx (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 134-5 (hereafter cited as M), Xxxxxxx differentiates between a trembling and a radical trembling: “A radical trembling can only come from the outside. Therefore, the trembling of which I speak derives no more than any other from some spontaneous decision or philosophical thought after some internal maturation of its history.” preaching—language, speech, and the sermonic event—in order to assess the fidelity of traditional theologies of proclamation for Christian preaching.152 Christian proclamation arises from the audacious premise that God speaks to God’s people through preaching.153 Theologies of proclamation differ from one another in how this miracle transpires, but ...
Chapter Two. GENERAL DUTIES OF EMPLOYERS AND SUB-CONTRACTING PARTIES
Chapter Two. Hell Hath No Fury Like A Slave Shorn (1700-1860) Before being brought to the Americas via the Transatlantic Slave Trade, peoples of West Africa wore their hair in myriad styles. Hair was never purely cosmetic for West Africans. From as early as the 15th century, hairstyles in West Africa conveyed messages about a person’s ethnic identity, wealth, religion, age, and even marital status. According to Xxxxxx Xxxx and Xxxx Xxxxxx, for xxxxx girls in the Wolof tribe of Senegal, unavailability for marriage was shown by partially shaving the head.29 Similarly, a recently widowed woman in the Ethiopian Shawan ethnic group who was also unready for courting again would stop styling her hair altogether to dissuade possible suitors and signify her mourning process.30 For women in certain Nigerian tribes, partially styled or un-styled hair could also indicate madness or questionable morals.31 Leaders in these African communities wore the most ornate and complicated hairstyles, many of which took hours or sometimes days to complete.32 In addition to communicating secular status levels, hair was used for religious purposes. Adherents of Yoruba religions would keep their hair braided in specific hairstyles. Because the hair is the highest point on a person’s body, it was “closest to the divine” and used as a communication tool with gods and goddesses as well. Even curses were transferred through hair by plucking away the strands of enemies.
Chapter Two. Tuberculosis in London: its history and management This chapter sets the overall context for this research, including a brief discussion of the history of tuberculosis, an epidemiological overview of TB in London and the modern history of TB control efforts in the city, placing them within a broad international perspective. Following this is an overview of London’s system of TB control today, with a particular focus on the turbulent environment and structure within which TB is managed.
Chapter Two. The Commission on Human Rights........................................................................... Part A: General................................................................................................................................. Part C: Human Rights Chamber.......................................................................................................
Chapter Two. Commission for Displaced Persons and Refugees...................................................