{"component": "clause", "props": {"groups": [{"snippet": "Customer is liable for the monthly consumption costs associated with the Services of Microsoft Azure Reserved Instance for the virtual machines IP\u2019s, storage, network traffic, and software licenses.", "samples": [{"hash": "iW28bM7gP3j", "uri": "/contracts/iW28bM7gP3j#consumption", "label": "Product Terms", "score": 23.0410671234, "published": true}, {"hash": "kecDJv3e75s", "uri": "/contracts/kecDJv3e75s#consumption", "label": "Product Terms", "score": 22.8781661987, "published": true}, {"hash": "28m5lKauJMM", "uri": "/contracts/28m5lKauJMM#consumption", "label": "Product Terms", "score": 22.7357978821, "published": true}], "size": 5, "snippet_links": [{"key": "associated-with", "type": "definition", "offset": [53, 68]}, {"key": "the-services", "type": "definition", "offset": [69, 81]}, {"key": "microsoft-azure", "type": "definition", "offset": [85, 100]}, {"key": "virtual-machines", "type": "definition", "offset": [127, 143]}, {"key": "network-traffic", "type": "clause", "offset": [159, 174]}, {"key": "software-licenses", "type": "definition", "offset": [180, 197]}], "hash": "297a8b900f1735a2d1c72da9233e0e36", "id": 1}, {"snippet": "Changing patterns and styles of consumption are perhaps one of the most obvious illustrations of the effect of migration on the distribution of resources in village society. The influx of new commodities and global brands and fashions appear in striking juxtaposition to the more traditional or local objects and elements that too comprise the material culture of village life. Consumption is not merely a consequence of migration, however. Rather, it is also part of its impetus since the need and desire for certain commodities is a staple factor in most migratory decision-making and, moreover, the very production of such commodities might often be what provides labour opportunities for migrants. Thus, commodities and their consumption are linked reciprocally and dynamically to migration as both cause and effect. This recursive relation of migration and consumption has not always come to the fore in the literature, however, and the aim of this section of the theoretical framework for this PhD is to explore how and where the sphere of consumption might sit within the mechanics of the migration systems framework discussed above. This second section of the theoretical framework begins examining work that situates consumption in relation to reflexive identity construction. This approach predominates among studies of consumption in the South and the accounts examined here sketch this creative agency as a driver of human mobility. As will be illustrated, however, this approach tends to divorce consumption from the wider social milieu from which it originates, obfuscating the social and material relations of consumption practices. For the purposes of this PhD, these relations must be brought back into focus, in order to more fully expose the depth and scope of the recursive interactions of migration and consumption. \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 and \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 (2005:224) have noted that studies of the clothing industry (and arguably this criticism may be extended to studies of economic relations in the South in general) have demonstrated a pervasive tendency to focus on the \u2018globalisation of production\u2019, thereby largely ignoring the consumerist facet of social relations that affect and are, indeed, effected by and within the South. \u2018People in local spaces\u2019, they argue, \u2018tend to be categorized primarily as \u201cworkers\u201d and \u201cproducers\u201d who are affected by, and respond to the exigencies of Western capital and international production\u2019 (Kothari and \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 2005:224). It seems, therefore, that there is a need to \u2018disrupt the dualism\u2019 (\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 and \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 2005:224) that persists in this dichotomous presentation of Western consumer and Southern producer. Authors like \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 (1998:63) have argued to the contrary that, for example, \u2018the Taiwanese do not\u2026 consume the products that they make, but just labour in their manufacture\u2019. However, as Kothari and \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 (2005:224), there are, in fact, many global products produced in the South for the attention of Southern consumers. Focusing on the clothing industry, they identify surplus export stock and fake brands as two typical avenues for local consumption at sites of production. Other industries, however, engage local workforces to produce for the local market with rather more direct intent: for example, global brand beverage companies like Coca-Cola typically bottle at a national level for national consumption (\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 1998). Certainly here, workers do \u2018consume the products they make\u2019 rather than merely \u2018labour in their manufacture\u2019. \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 (1997:40) concurs that there is a \u2018general absence of sustained attention to consumption as a social practice in the wider literature [on the South]\u2019 and suggests that the reason for this paucity of studies might rest with unease on the part of researchers and academics to confront the disconcerting notion that: \u2018[C]ommodity consumption by working class actors, however necessary for the daily reproduction of their labour power, entails a kind of complicity in their exploitation, for they are consuming the products of their own alienated labour for the profit of capital\u2019 (\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 1997:40). Thus she argues, \u2018the pursuit of commodities as marker of symbolic value or social status appears as a particularly insidious form of false consciousness in the face of capitalist hegemony\u2019 (\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 1997:40). Yet she maintains that there is a strict necessity to forge a place for studies of consumption in the documentation of experiences of proletarianization in the developing world. Indeed, this necessity arises from this very contradiction that the conceptualisation of the Southern worker-consumer \u2013 complicit in her own exploitation \u2013 entails. She contends: \u2018Their experiences as workers do not provide the only or even the most compelling framework through which many migrant women assess their time in the city. Rather it is in new forms of urban consumption\u2026 that the tensions and contradictions of the migration experience are most keenly felt. Viewing migrants as consumers, rather than solely as producers, reveals more complex dimensions of women\u2019s urban employment and highlights a powerful avenue by which labour migrants may pursue new forms of autonomy and agency and the construction of socially satisfying identities\u2019 (\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 1997:21). Since \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2019 writing, treatment of migration in the literature (Hoefinger 2013; \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 2008; \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 2004) has made some effort towards overcoming this productivist bias that is perceived to dominate studies of the South, by emphasising aspirations of modernity and consumer lifestyle that underwrite migratory decisions, particularly among the young, in this region (Mapril 2014; \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 2013; \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 2012; \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 and \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 2006, 2000, 1999). As \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 (1997:39) describes, \u2018labour mobility is embedded in social and cultural tensions within households and within the individual herself\u2019. It \u2018reflects not just dominant ideals of filial obligation\u2019 but \u2018equally powerful perceptions of status lost already to mobile peers and desires for \u201cbeautiful clothes\u201d and other commodified signifiers of urban glamour and sophistication\u2019 and, thus, \u2018the movement of young women into Bangkok has as much to do with aspirations for particular kinds of personhood as with specific material goals\u2019 (\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 1997:39). \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 and \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 (2003:205) have described these aspirations as part of what they term the \u2018cultural logic of migration\u2019: \u2018Once the cultural logic of migration is taken into account, the frequently invoked link between declining livelihood security and increasing proclivity to migrate seems increasingly harder to sustain. In the evolving world of rural cosmopolitanism, livelihood security may no longer be the overarching factor in determining migration. In fact, we go as far to suggest that migration may be undertaken, even if it sometimes compromises the livelihood security and the working conditions of the migrant \u2013 provided it contains the promise to positively transform place-based identities and relations of subjugation\u2019. The necessity of reconciling this \u2018cultural logic\u2019 into understandings of migration patterns and practice is, as discussed in the previous section of this theoretical framework, one of the factors that implores the employ of a more holistic framework for the study of migration, emphasising that economic concerns are not always the sole impetus of movement. In \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2019 account, and others like it, \u2018economic liberalisation\u2019 (\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 and \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 1999:989), the \u2018spread of communication technology\u2019 (\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 1997:42), the \u2018globalisation of mass media\u2019 (Ger and Belk 1996:279) and \u2018the export of popular culture\u2019 (Ger and Belk 1996:279; see also \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 2003:290), \u2018international tourism\u2019 (Ger and Belk 1996:280), not to mention migrant networks themselves (Busza 2004; \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 and \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 1999; \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 1997; Ger and Belk 1996), are identified as factors that work to generate powerful discourses of modernity that become significant mechanisms within migration \u2018systems\u2019, as described prior: mechanisms that serve to induce flows of workers to urban areas, where they hope to partake in or witness these new cultural forms. As \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 describes of Thai migrants: \u2018Just as powerful [as filial obligation] in shaping migration decisions is an explicit desire to be \u201cup-to-date\u201d (than samay) and to participate in Thai modernity. Let me be clear here the term modernity refers not to an objective social reality but to a powerful field of popular discourse and cultural production... To rural producers the images of urban wealth and commodified progress that pervade Thai popular culture pose models of consumption that, however, difficult to achieve, are impossible to ignore. In particular, the ownership and display of new technologies and consumer commodities are increasingly valued as symbols of modern success and social status throughout Thailand\u2019 (\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 1997:42). \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 thus draws on the work of authors like \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 (1998, 2005) and \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 (1996), who have utilised cultural perspectives of consumption to emphasise its \u2018transformative power\u2019 (\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 and \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 2003:190); its potential to reconfigure space and, most importantly for purposes here, individual and collective identity, understood in \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2019 (1991) sense as a \u2018reflexive process of self-actualisation\u2019 (\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 and Thrift 1995:227). Simply put, \u2018our identities are affirmed and contested through specific acts of consumption: we define ourselves by what we buy and by the meaning we give to the goods and services that we acquire\u2019 (\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 and Thrift 1995:227). As \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 and \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 have demonstrated similarly in the context of Gulf migrants in Kerala, \u2018the adoption of specific consumption practices\u2019 upon return enables said migrants to \u2018objectify and redefine both their self-perceived and other-perceived position\u2019 and, importantly for our purposes, \u2018to concretize and make sense of their attempts to achieve generalized upwards social mobility\u2019 (\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 and \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 1999:989). Indeed, at the extreme, this \u2018transformative power\u2019 is said to be actively harnessed by consumers, so that the very act of consumption becomes a form of resistance to economic, social and cultural subjugation on a range of scales, from global to local: \u2018consumption is a symbol or declaration of autonomy\u2019 (\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 2005:298). For \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 (2003:298; see also \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 1997; \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 2005), the conspicuous and transient patterns of consumption practiced by young male sapphire miners in Madagascar is rendered an act of defiance to subjugation experienced in accordance with traditional social relations: \u2018Rather than channel the value of their efforts into the support and reproduction of enduring kin- and place-based social networks \u2013 networks in which young men, it should be noted, are likely to occupy subordinate positions \u2013 Ambondromifehy\u2019s conspicuous consumers spend on themselves\u2019. In addition to an act of resistance against social relations of subjugation, \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 (2003:298) suggests that, moreover, the \u2018daring\u2019 consumption patterns of the young men represent acts of defiance against economic relations of subjugation; their refusal to acknowledge and live within the confines of \u2018risk\u2019: \u2018a means by which people allotted the essentially passive role of dealing with uncertainty exert control and demonstrate agency\u2019. \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 thus evidences \u2018the possibility that the cosmopolitan world of goods and significations can have emancipatory potential for groups subordinated by \u201ctraditional\u201d, place-specific relations of hierarchy\u2019 (\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 and \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 2003:205). Through acts of consumption, \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2019\u2587 miners are afforded the ability to self-construct identities and become, in opposition to their traditional social role, \u2018powerful, attractive and even charismatic men\u2019 (\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 2003:299) \u2013 literally rather than figuratively: \u2018their consumption is not so much \u201cakin\u201d to fantasy as it is the means to the momentary realization of fantasy\u2019 (\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 2003:299). \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 (1986) argued similarly of the intriguing case of Jock Stiratt\u2019s Sri Lankan fishermen \u2013 low-waged and isolated until the local availability of ice began to bring high returns form inland markets, they used this new-found wealth to build and purchase garages, televisions, refrigerators for island homes without roads, cars, or electricity \u2013 that consumer goods could incorporate \u2018\u201cinto the personal and social identity of the consumer\u201d , \u201cdialectically negate the conditions under which the ... wealth was actually obtained\u201d and \u201cobjectify and transform\u201d a productive career\u2019 (\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 1986 cited in \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 and \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 1999:1011). \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 and \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 (1999), however, offer a more modest appraisal of the 'transformative power' of consumption. In their study of Gulf migrants in Kerala, acts of consumption are not a means to circumvent traditional place-specific relations of hierarchy but, rather, are located precisely within this niche. Consumption, as they describe, is \u2018located within individual, familial and group mobility strategies and developmental cycles\u2019 and \u2018assumes a long-term dimension orientated towards present and future\u2019 (Osella and Osella 1999:989). Moreover, \u2018from this long-term perspective, consumption practices take on a normative aspect\u2019 by which \u2018consumption and mobility trajectories are clearly articulated within the cycle\u2019: i.e. \u2018people\u2019s spending patterns are expected to change over time\u2019 (\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 and Osella 1999:990). Thus, whilst transient consumption of the type identified by \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587, above, is perfectly legitimate among the young, over time this immature demeanour must be displaced by \u2018values of permanency\u2019 (Osella and Osella 1999:990); consumption must be channelled into strategic purchase of household goods and housing itself to meet ideals of \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 status. Acts of consumption hardly represent resistance to traditional hierarchy, instead, the very means of conformity; even such \u2018daring\u2019 acts as \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 identifies are anticipated and sanctioned by the shifting norms that apply throughout the stages of the individual\u2019s life cycle. \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587, in an earlier (1986) study of consumption among the newly rich of the Muria, a tribal group in India, has similarly suggested that patterns of consumption, rather than formed outside or in opposition to traditional norms, are mediated by and subject to them. In his study, those who had newly acquired wealth in what was, 'historically, a homogeneous, clan-based' and 'egalitarian' society (Gell 1986:111) were prohibited from engaging in acts of conspicuous consumption by 'social pressures' that labelled such activity 'egotistical and anti-social' (Gell 1986:111) as it threatened to undermine the traditional 'collectivist' ethos (Gell 1986:123) that Gell described as characterising the community. Thus a situation arose in which 'rich Muria accumulate wealth they dare not spend... [They] are forced to consume as if they were poor' (Gell 1986:111). The subsequent perverse irony of the situation is that 'the rich', of course, 'got still richer' (Gell 1986:111) as their wealth was channelled into 'practical' uses \u2013 land, additional houses \u2013 and simple accumulation, none of which carried the connotations of 'playing with money' (Gell 1986:133; emphases added) that might have shattered the external appearance of equality, but which did far more structural damage; thus, the 'unintended consequence' of this 'pattern of restraints on consumption geared to the maintenance of egalitarian norms has been the undermining of the economic basis for the traditional egalitarian ethos of Muria society', asserts Gell (1986:111). \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 and \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 (2003:205) offer a cautionary note regarding the \u2018celebrationist narratives\u2019 of \u2018subculture theorists\u2019 who \u2018anoint consumerism as a new diffuse form of resistance\u2019 and, in doing so, \u2018offer a mythologized consumer as agent of history\u2019. Clearly \u2013 as shown most overtly by \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 and \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2019\u2587 (1999) contributions above and \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587 (1997), yet also by the wealth of literature stressing the significance of sustained rural-urban migratory linkages - the typical \u2018migrant as consumer\u2019 is \u2018a creature of more modest aspirations, prescience and agency\u2019: \u2018Like \u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2019\u2587 peasant, he or she exhibits a streak of conservatism and realises his or her agency in unlikely rather than articulated ways. 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The approximate minimum cost of the consumptions is the following: \u2022 1-bedroom apartment - \u20ac 90 / month* \u2022 2-bedroom apartment - \u20ac 150 / month* \u2022 3-bedroom apartment - \u20ac 200 / month* \u2022 4 + bedroom apartment - \u20ac 250 / month* This payment will have to be paid together with the monthly rent within the first 3 working days of each month. At the beginning of the stay, the corresponding meters will be read. In case of observing excessive consumption, the amount of the difference between the estimated consumption and the real consumption will be communicated. At the end of the stay, we will proceed to compare the readings and to charge any difference. In some apartments, the consumptions will have to be paid with a fixed monthly rate. 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The Customer must in particular refrain from using any services offered by third party catering or entertainment firms, in so far as nothing has been arranged to the contrary in writing.", "samples": [{"hash": "46DVYAhzeOZ", "uri": "/contracts/46DVYAhzeOZ#consumption", "label": "Business Solutions Conditions", "score": 28.0991649628, "published": true}, {"hash": "55Oz6AuRGx7", "uri": "/contracts/55Oz6AuRGx7#consumption", "label": "Business Solutions Conditions", "score": 27.8883876801, "published": true}, {"hash": "cJ2dtDCeQp9", "uri": "/contracts/cJ2dtDCeQp9#consumption", "label": "Meetings & Events Conditions", "score": 22.7159481049, "published": true}], "size": 3, "snippet_links": [{"key": "the-framework", "type": "clause", "offset": [7, 20]}, {"key": "execution-of-this-contract", "type": "clause", "offset": [28, 54]}, {"key": "the-customer-must", "type": "clause", "offset": [55, 72]}, {"key": "and-other-services", "type": "clause", "offset": [108, 126]}, {"key": "the-third-party", "type": "definition", "offset": [149, 164]}, {"key": "agreement-for", "type": "clause", "offset": [205, 218]}, {"key": "the-relevant", "type": "clause", "offset": [269, 281]}, {"key": "agreed-to", "type": "definition", "offset": [314, 323]}, {"key": "in-writing", "type": "definition", "offset": [337, 347]}, {"key": "in-particular", "type": "clause", "offset": [367, 380]}, {"key": "offered-by", "type": "definition", "offset": [413, 423]}], "hash": "f45484f1cb92291fc4c9625e8f2ae95c", "id": 6}, {"snippet": "Customers pay based on the amount of Microsoft Azure Government Services consumed during a billing period. 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Width: 450 mm (excl. mounting flanges) Depth: 280 mm (incl. doors/covers) ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Fan Tray \u2587\u2587\u2587 \u2587\u2587\u2587 TBD Height: NTEUSSAA 75 mm ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------", "samples": [{"hash": "8oQw7syM72h", "uri": "/contracts/8oQw7syM72h#consumption", "label": "Frame Contract to Supply DWDM and SDH Equipment (Firstmark Communications Europe Sa)", "score": 18.0, "published": true}, {"hash": "3XLSKyMhTij", "uri": "/contracts/3XLSKyMhTij#consumption", "label": "Purchase Agreement (Firstmark Communications Europe Sa)", "score": 18.0, "published": true}], "size": 2, "snippet_links": [{"key": "an-additional", "type": "clause", "offset": [165, 178]}], "hash": "54fdcd18c995ff13a16a58d31d50b1e0", "id": 9}, {"snippet": "TN-4XE Mux Maximum 18 kg (max.) 41 Height: assembly (full fit): \u2587\u2587\u2587 \u2587 (\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587\u2587) \u2587\u2587\u2587 mm (including fibretray) NTEU70AA 20 kg (actual) 450 mm (excluding fibre tray) Typical: 220 W An additional height of 50 mm if 2 Mbit's tributary cabling is installed. Width: 450 mm (excl. mounting flanges) Depth: 280 mm (incl. doors/covers) ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Fan Tray \u2587\u2587\u2587 \u2587\u2587\u2587 TBD Height: NTEU55AA 75 mm ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- TABLE 8-2 AGGREGATE UNIT KEY SPECIFICATION DETAILS ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- UNIT POWER CONSUMPTION WEIGHT FITS WIDTH (SEE CHAPTER 5) (KG) (MM) ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- STM-4 1310 nm short haul optical Maximum: 40 W 1.875 2609 76.2 aggregate NTEU20AA Typical: 36 W ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- STM-4 1550 nm long haul optical Maximum: 40 W 1.875 2690 76.2 aggregate NTEU21AA Typical: 36 W ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- with regard to TN-4XE / TN-16XE ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- UNIT POWER WEIGHT FITS NOMINAL (SEE CHAPTER 6) CONSUMPTION (KG) WIDTH (MM) ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- STM-1 optical dual-port tributary Maximum: 20W 1.250 2184 25.4 unit (1310 nm, short haul) NTEU10AA Typical: 17.5 W ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- STM-10/140 Mbit/s tributary unit Maximum: 20 W \u2587\u2587\u2587 \u2587\u2587\u2587 25.4 NTEU13AA Typical 17.5 W ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 2 Mbit/s G.703 120 ohm tributary Maximum: 20 W TBD 500 25.4 unit NTEU12AA Typical: 17.5 W ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- TABLE 8-4 SERVICE INTERFACE MODULE (SIM) KEY DETAILS ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- UNIT POWER WEIGHT FITS WIDTH (SEE CHAPTER 4) CONSUMPTION (KG) (MM) ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ETHERNET SIM PCB ASSEMBLY \u2587\u2587\u2587 \u2587\u2587\u2587 28 25.4 NTEU6066 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- TABLE 8-5 CONNECTOR PANEL KEY DETAILS ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- UNIT POWER WEIGHT FITS WIDTH (SEE CHAPTER 4) CONSUMPTION (KG) (MM) ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- End Of Shelf Upper Maximum: 5 W 0.468 345 25.4 NTEU40AA Typical: 3 W ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- End Of Shelf Lower Maximum: 8 W 0.468 439 25.4 NTEU41AA Typical: 5 W ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- TABLE 8-6 SPECIAL FUNCTION UNITS SPECIFICATION DETAILS ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- UNIT POWER WEIGHT FITS EXTERNAL DIMENSIONS (SEE CHAPTER 7) CONSUMPTION (MM) ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Engineering Orderwire Maximum: 12 W \u2587\u2587\u2587 \u2587\u2587\u2587 TBD (EOW) card NTEU43AA Typical: 8 W ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- EXPLANATORY SHEET (TECHNICAL SPECIFICATIONS) ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Supplier: Nortel Dasa Network Systems Reference No.: 09.331 otel.o Document No.: ST-rfx-0009 Chapter: 12 Item No.: 331 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 1. Item of non compliance ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Stationary Use Conditions acc. To prETS 300 019-2-3 Class T 3.2 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 2. Description of non compliance ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ OPERATIONAL AMBIENT TEMPERATURE The TN-4XE can operate in the following operating environments as specified in ETS 300-019 class 3.1 (Temperature Controlled Locations) subject to the thermal management limitations specified above. NON-OPERATIONAL AMBIENT TEMPERATURE For storage and transportation, the equipment withstands non-operational temperatures between -40 and +70 DEG. C as specified in ETSI Standard ETS 300-019. RELATIVE HUMIDITY CONTINUOUS OPERATION 20 to 55% relative humidity or 3.6 kPa water vapor pressure, whichever is less, over the normal temperature range; no condensation. Temperature: +4.5 DEG. to +38 DEG. C. SHORT-TERM OPERATION Testing methodology IEC 68-2-56 Cb +30 DEG. 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It typically outlines the permitted amount, manner, or rate at which the subject of the contract may be consumed, such as specifying usage limits for utilities, materials, or digital services. By clearly establishing these parameters, the clause helps prevent overuse, misuse, or disputes regarding resource allocation, ensuring both parties understand and adhere to agreed consumption levels."}, "json": true, "cursor": ""}}